. Newly Discovered 




FOURTH OP JULY 



ORATION 



BY THE ILLUSTRIOUS ORATOR AND STATESMAN, 



DANIEL WEBSTER; 



■DELIVERED AT- 



Fryeburg, Me., in the Year 1802, 



AND NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME GIVEN TO THE PUBLIC. 



Boston, Mass. : 
A. Williams & Co. 

Fryeburg, Me. : 
A. F. & C. W. Lewis. 

1882. 




T9 ' 



Book 



fatyiighir ) Bo2^ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



Newly Discovered 



FOURTH OF JULY 



ORATION 



BY THK ILLUSTRIOUS ORATOR AXD STATESMAN, 



DANIEL WEBSTER; 



DELIVERED AT- 



Fryeburg, Me., in the Year 1802, 



AND NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME GIVEN TO THE PUBLIC. 



Boston, Mass. : 
A. Williams & Co. 

Frvebukg, Me. : 
A. F. & C. W. Lewis. 

1882. 



•i883' 

o 

/>. No ^.---^ , 

^ O'^ WASHING"- _^ 



ifo':^ 



THE ILLUSTRATED FRYEBURG 



»;bster memoria 



contains, besides the newly discovered oration, an engraving of Webster 
in early manhood, the old Academy in which he taught at Frveburg, the old 
Church in which the Oration was delivered, the present Academy building, 
Webster's Fryeburg Home (the Oxford House), and a fine lieliotype view of 
the whole Village from Pro-pect Highlands (by J. R. Osgood & Company). 
The Memorial will contain several letters written by Webster while at Frye- 
burg, some of which Die public will now see for the first time; poems 
written by him while in college and at Fryeburg; a recently' discovered poem 
by Longfellow on '• Lovewell's Fight," now for the first time brought to light, 
after the lapse of nearly sixty years (it being the first poem which Longfellow 
gave to the public with his name attached, and which the poet himself long 
sought for in vain); a poetic gem descriptive of Fryeburg's grand mountain 
scenery, by John G. Whittier; a pen-picture of Fryeburg by W. D. Howells; 
and numerous other selections and poems descriptive of Fryeburg's history 
and scenery, several of the latter having been specially written for the 
Memorial. 

The Oration, together with the three first-mentioned of the above illustra- 
tions, is also given to the public in a cheaper form, termed the plain edition. 

In either the plain or ilius-trated edition, the Oration constitutes a bro- 
chure of rare interest and beauty. 

Prise of Illustrate! Edition, ... 50 cents. 

Plain Editicn, . . . . . . 25 " 

Sent post paid on receipt of price. 

Address all orders to A. F. & C. W. Lewis, Fryeburg, Me. 



ENTKUED ACCOHOING TO ACT OF CONGUKSS, IN THE YEAR 1882, BY 
IN THE OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS AT WASHINGTON. 



The Original Manuscript of the Oration is low in charge of A. F. Lewis 
of Fryeburg. 



k PREFACE. 

'$ 

\^ We herewith present to the public n newly discovered 

-^ Fourth of July oration by Daniel Webster ; and we esteem it 
1^ a hai)[)v coincidence, that we are able to give this oration to the 
j"^ world at a time when the commemoration, throughout the Conn- 
ie tr3% of this the centennial year of Wel)ster's birth has caused 
such a renewal of interest in all that pertains to the renowned 
orator and statesman. In his Autobiogriiphy Webster speaks 
of his Fiyeburg oration as unpublished, and, as it had slept in 
oblivion for eighty years, no one supposed until lately that it 
had survived the wi-eck of time. A detailed account of the ac- 
cidental discovery of the original manuscript of the oration, in 
the handwriting of its illustrious author, Avould savor much of 
the mystery and fascination of rr<mance, but such a narrative 
woidd require more space than the limits of a pref ice would 
allow. Suffice it to say, that a large mass of Webster's private 
papers, including the inamiscript in question, found its way into 
an old junk-shop at 252 Federal Street, Boston, and was there 
rescued from destruction by the proprietor, John Shea, whose 
keen eye fortunately hapjiened to catch the name of Webster 
on one of the papers. From Mr. Shea the manuscript passed 
into the hands of a well-known Boston lawyer, and from the 
latter came into the possession of its present owner. 

It w^ill be remembered, that, at the time of the delivery of this 
oration, AVebster was teaching school at Frj^eburg, being prin- 
cipal of the old and famous academy at that place. He Avas 
then but twenty years of age, and yet, so profound was the im- 
pression which this oration produced upon the minds of the 
hearers, that the sentiments emmciated were rememl>ered and 
repeated after the lapse of more than fifty years.* The late 



* See letter of Dr. Thomas 1'. Uill in Webster"? Pi-ivate Correspomlence. 



Rev. Dr. Samuel Osgood of Spriiiiilield, Mass., with whose 
father Webster l)oar(lc(l while at Frvi^hiirg, and who heard the 
oration, said that "it h;id great merit and wris a HnisluMl pro- 
diietion;" and we donht not that the reader will coineide with 
the ojiinion thus expressed, and that he will lind in this early 
ellbrt the promise of those gigantic^ intelh^etual i)o\vers which 
shed such a lustre of renown u})on AVehster's subsequent career. 
Indeed, so remarkable a production was the oration regarded 
at the time by those who heard it, that one enthusiastic farmer 
ventured the bold remark that Daniel might some (hiy even 
attain the lofty position of Governor of Seio Hampshire ! 

Exalted as w^ere the estimates placed upon this efl'ort by 
Webster's contemporaries, yet the reality far surpasses any- 
thing which these estimates would lead us to expect. It is 
almost incredible that such a production could have emanated 
from a young man of only twenty years, and it may safely be 
asserted, that, for beauty of style, profound thought, logical 
reasoning, and statesmanlike wisdom, the early history of 
the world's greatest orators may be challeng(Ml to produce any- 
thing which will bear com[)arison with this Fryeburg etlbrt. 
Being ti production of the transcendent merit it is, this oration 
will constitute a substantial addition to the legacy which the 
colossal intellect of Webster bequeatlied to posterity, and his 
countrymen will gladly give it a place by the side of the efforts 
of his later years, to be read and studied as long as the American 
heart shall feel the inspiration of that love of the (Constitution 
and the Union which he did so much to inculcate. In this ora- 
tion the s[)(!akei' will be s(^en to have thus early shown himself 
a prolicient in the treatment of subjects connected with the 
science of government, and to have already commenced that 
profound study of the Constitution of his country Avhich after- 
w^ards gave him the proud title of its Great Expounder and 
Defender. 

It is a remarkable fact that the last speech made by Webster 
in the Senate of the United States, July 17, 1850, concluded 
with the same peroration with which he closed this Fryeburg 
oration forty-eight years Ixdore. 




inEarlyManhqod. 



OEATION. 



Fp:lloav-Citizens, — It is at the season when nature hath 
assumed her loveliest apparel that the American people as- 
semble in their several temples to celebrate the birthday of 
their nation. Arrayed in all the beauties of the year, the 
Fourth of Jul}' once more visits us. Green fields and a ripen- 
ing harvest proclaim it, a bright sun cheers it, and the hearts 
of freemen bid it welcome. Illustrious spectacle ! Six mil- 
lions of people this day surround their altars, and unite in an 
address to Heaven for the preservation of their rio;hts. Every 
rank and every age imbibes the general spirit. From the 
lisping inhabitant of the cradle to the aged warrior whose gray 
hairs are fast sinking in the western horizon of life, every 
voice is, this da}', tuned to the accents of Liberty ! Washing- 
ton ! My Country ! 

Festivals established by the Avorld have been numerous. 
The coronation of a king, the birth of a prince, the marriage 
of a princess, have often called wondering crowds together. 
Cities and nations agree to celebrate the event Avhich raises one 
mortal man above their heads, and beings called men stand as- 
tonished and aghast while the pageantr}' of a monarch or 
the jewelled grandeur of a queen poses before them. Such a 
festival, however, as the Fourth of July is to America, is not 
found in historv ; a festival designed for solemn reflection on 



the groat events that have hap[)ei)ed to us; a festival in which 
freedom receives a nation's homage, and Heaven is greeted 
with incense from ten thousand hearts. 

In the present situation of our country, it is, my respected 
fellow-citizens, matter of high jo}' and congratuhition that 
there is one day in the year on which men of diflerent princi- 
ples and different opinions can associate together. The Fourth 
of July is not an occasion to compass sea and land to make 
proselytes. The good sense and the good nature Avhich yet 
remain among us will, we trust, prevail on this day, and be 
sufficient to chain, at least for a season, that untamed monster, 
Party Spirit — and would to God that it might be chained for- 
ever, that, as we have but one interest, we might have but 
one heart and one mind ! 

You have hitherto, fellow-citizens, on occasions of this kind, 
been entertained with the discussion of national (]ucstions ; with 
inquiries into the true principles of government; with recapitu- 
lations of the War; with speculations on the causes of our 
Kcvolution, and on its conse(piences to ourselves and to the 
worhl. Leaving these subjects, it shall be the ambition of the 
speaker of this day to present such a view of your Constitu- 
tion and your Union as shall convince you that you have noth- 
ing to hope from a change. 

This age has been correctlj' denominated an age of experi- 
ments. Innovation is the idol of the times. The huir.an mind 
s(!enis to have burst its ancient limits, and to be travelling over 
the face of the material and intellectual creation in search of 
im[)iovenient. The world hath become like a tickle lover, in 
whom every new face inspires a new passion. In this rage for 
novelty many things are made better, and many things are made 
worse. Old errors are discai'ded, and new errors are embraced. 
GoNcrnments feel the same elfects from this spirit as every- 



thing else. Some, like our own, grow into beauty and ex- 
cellence, while others sink still deeper into deformity and 
wretchedness. The experience of all ages will bear us out in 
saying, that alterations of political systems are alwaj^s attended 
■with a greater or less degree of danger. They ought, therefore, 
never to be undertaken, unless the evil complained of be really 
felt and the prospect of a remedy clearly seen. The politician 
that undertakes to improve a Constitution with as little thought 
as a farmer sets about mending his plow, is no master of his 
trade. If that Constitution be a systematic one, if it be a free 
one, its parts are so necessarily connected that an alteration in 
one will work an alteration in all; and this cobbler, however 
pure and honest his intentions, will, in the end, find that what 
came to his hands a fair and lovely fabric goes from them a 
miserable piece of patchwork. 

Nor are g-reat and strildns; alterations alone to be shunned. 
A succession of small changes, a perpetual ttmipcring with 
minute parts, steal away the breath though they leave the body ; 
for it is true that a government may lose all its real character, 
its genius and its temper, without losing its appearance. You 
may have a despotism under the name of a republic. You 
may look on a government and see it possess all the external 
essential modes of freedom, and yet see nothing of the essence, 
the vitality, of freedom in it: just as you may behold Wash- 
ington or Franklin in wax-work; the form is perfect, but the 
spirit, the life, is not there. 

The first thing to be said in f ivor of our system of govern- 
ment is that it is truly and genuinely fvee, and the man has a 
base and slavish heart that will call any government good that 
is not free. If there be, at this day, any advocate for arbitrary 
power, we wish him the happiness of living under a govern- 
ment of his choice. If he is in love with chains, we would not 



8 

deny him the gratification of his passion. Despotism is the 
point where everything bad centres, and from which everything 
good departs. As far as a government is distant from this 
point, so far it is good : in proportion as it approaches towards 
this, in the same proportion it is detestable. In all other 
forms there is something tolerable to be found; in despotism 
there is nothing. Other systems have some amiable features, 
some right principles, mingled wilh their errors; despotism is 
all error. It is a dark and cheerless void, over which the eye 
wanders in vain in search of anything lovely or attractive. 

The true definition of despotism is government without law. 
It may exist, therefore, in the hands of many as well as of one. 
Rebellions arc despotisms; factions are despotisms; loose 
democracies are despotisms. These arc a thousand times more 
dreadful than the concentration of all jiower in the hands of a 
single tyrant. The despotism of one man is like the thunder- 
bolt, Avhich falls here and there, scorching and consuming the 
individual on whom it lights; but poiiular commotion, the des- 
potism of a mob, is an earthquake, which in one moment 
swallows up everything. It is the excellence of our govern- 
ment that it is placed in a proper medium l)etween these two 
extremes, that it is eciually distant from niol)S and from thrones. 

In the next place our government is good because it is^^rac- 
tical. It is not the sick oll'spring of closet philosophy. It did 
not rise, va[)orous and evanescent, from the brains of Rousseau 
and Godwin, like a mist from the occui. It is tlu; production 
of men of business, of experience, and of wisdom. It is suited 
to what man is, and what it is in the power of good laws to 
make him. Its o])jcct — the just object of all governments — is 
to secure and protect the weak against the strong, to unite the 
force of the whole community against the violence of oppres- 
sors. Its power is the power of the nation; its will is the will 







^ 



9 

of the people. It is not an awkward, unshapely machine 
which the people cannot use when they have made it, nor is it 
so dark and complicated that it is the labor of one's life to in- 
vestigate and understand it. All are capable of comprehending 
its principles and its operations. It admits, too, of a change 
of men and of measures. At the will of a majority, we have 
seen the government of the nation pass from the hands of one 
description of men into those of another. Of the comparative 
merits of those diflerent men, of their honesty, their talents, 
their patriotism, we have here nothing to say. That subject 
we leave to be decided before the impartial tribunal of pos- 
terity. The fact of a change of rulers, however, proves that the 
government is mnnageable, that it can in all cases be made to 
comply with the public will. It is, too, an equal government. 
It rejects principalities and powers. It demolishes all the arti- 
ficial distinctions which pride and ambition create. It is en- 
cumbered with no laz}^ load of hereditary aristocracy. It 
clothes no one Avith the attributes of God ; it sinks no one to a 
level Avith brutes : yet it admits those distinctions in society 
which are natural and necessarj-. The correct expression of 
our Bill of Rights is that men are horn equal. It then rests 
with themselves to maintain their equality by their worth. 
The illustrious framers of our system, in all the sternness of 
republicanism, rejected all nobility but the nobility of talents, 
all majority but the majority of virtue^ 

Lastly, the government is one of our choice ; not dictated to 
us by an imperious Chief Consul, like the governments of Hol- 
land and Switzerland; not taught us by the philosophers, nor 
graciously brought to us on the bayonets of our magnanimous 
sister republic on the other side the ocean. It Avas framed by 
our fathers for themselves and for their children. Far the 
greater portion of mankind submit to usurped authority, and 



10 

pay humble obedience to scif-created Ia\v-givers; not that obe- 
dience of the heart which a good citizen will yield to g(;od 
lawrf, ])ut the obedience which a harnessed horse pays his 
driver, an obedience begotten by correction and stri[)es. 

The American Constitution is the purchase of American 
valor. It is the rich prize that rewards the toil of eight years 
of war and of blood: and what is all the pomp of military 
glory, what are victories, what arc armies subdued, fleets cap- 
tured, colors taken, unless they end in the establishment of 
wise laws and national happiness? Our Revolution is not nuro 
renowned for the brilliancy of its scenes than for the benetit of 
its consequences. The Constitution is the great memorial of 
the deeds of our ancestors. On the pillars and on the arches 
of that dome their names are written and their achievements 
recorded. Wliile that lasts, while a single page or a single 
article can be found, it will carry down the record to future 
ages. It will teach mankind that glorj^ empty, tinkling glory, 
was not the object for Avhich An>ericans fought. Great Britain 
had carried the fame of her arms far and wide. She had 
humbled France and Spain; she had reached her arm across the 
Eastern Continent, and given laws on the banks of the Ganges. 
A few scattered colonists did not rise up to contend Avith such 
a nation for mere renown. They had a nobler object, and in 
pursuit of that object they manifested a courage, constancy, 
and union, that deserve to be celebrated by poets and historians 
while lauijuaii'c lasts. 

The valor of America was not a transient, glinnnering ray 
shot forth from the impulse of momentary resentment. Against 
unjust and arbitrary laws she rose with determined, unalterable 
spirit. Like the rising sun, clouds and mists hung around her, 
but her course, like his, brightened as she proceeded. Valor, 
however, displayed in combat, is a less remarkable trait in the 



0^ 11 

character of our countrymen than the wisdom manifested when 
the combat was over. All cotmtries and all ages produce 
warriors, but rare are the instances in which men sit down 
coolly at the close of their labors to enjoy the fruits of them. 
Having destroyed one despotism, nations generally create 
another; having rejected the dominion of one tyiant, they 
make another for themselves. England beheaded her Charles, 
but crowned her Cromwell. France guillotined her Louises, 
but obeys her T5onapartes. Thanks to God, neither foreign 
nor domestic usurpation Nourishes on our soil ! 

Having thus, fellow-citizens, surveyed the principal features 
of our excellent Coiistilution and paid an inadequate tribute to 
the wisdom which produced it, let us consider seriously the 
means of its preservation. To perpetuate the government we 
must cherish the love of it. One chief pillar in the repub- 
lican fabric is the spirit of patriotism. But patriotism hath, in 
these days, become a good deal questionable. It hath been so 
often counterfeited that even the genuine coin doth not pass 
without suspicion. If one proclaims himself a patriot, this un- 
charitable, misjudging Avorld is pretty likely to set him down 
for a knave, and it is pretty likely to be right in this opinion. 
The rage for being patriots hath really so much of the ridicu- 
lous in it that it is difficult to treat it seriously. The preach- 
ing of politics hath become a trade, and there are man}' who 
leave all other trades to follow it. Benevolent, disinterested 
men ! With Scrii)tural devotion they forsake houses and lands, 
father and mother, wife and children, and wander u[) and down 
the community to teach mankind that their rulers oppress 
them ! Al)out the time when it was fashionable in France to 
cut oil' men's heads, as we lop away superfluous sprouts from 
our apple-trees, the public attention was excited by a certain 
monkey, that had been taught to act the part of a patriot to 



12 

great perfection. If you i)oiiited at him, says the historian, 
and called him an aiistocrat or a monarchist, he Avould fly at 
you with great rage and violence; l)ut, if you would do him the 
justice to call him a good patriot, he manifested every mark of 
joy and satisfaction. But, tliough the whole French nation 
gazed at this animal as a miracle, he was, after all, no ver}'" 
strange sight. There are, in all countries, a great many 
monkeys who wish to be thought patriots, and a great many 
others who believe them such. But, because we are often de- 
ceived by appearances, let us not believe that the reality does 
not exist. If our faith is ever shaken, if the crowd of hypo- 
critical demagogues lead us to doul)t, we will remember Wash- 
ington and be convinced ; we will cast our eyes around us, on 
those who have toiled and fought and bled for their cotnitry, 
and we will be persuaded that there is such a thing as real 
patidotism, and that it is one of the purest and noblest senti- 
ments that can warm the heart of man. 
r To preserve the government ^ve must also preserve a correct 
and energetic tone of morals. After all that can be said, the 
truth is that liberty consists more in the habits of the people 
than in anything else. When the public mind becomes vitiated 
and depraved, every attempt to preserve it is vain. Laws are 
then a nullity, and Constitutions w'aste paper. There are 
always men w^icke'd enough to go any length in the ])ursuit of 
power, if they can find others wicked enouu^h to sui)i)ort them. 
They regard not paper and parchment. Can you stop the prog- 
ress of a usurper by opposing to him the law^s of his countr}' ? 
then you may check the careering winds or stay the lightning 
with a sons:. No. Ambitious men must be restrained by the 
public morality: when they rise up to do evil, they nuist find 
themselves standing alone. Morality rests on religion. If 
you destroy the foundation, the superstructure must fall. In 



^^IJ'M:^^.. 




im^' 






13 

a world of error, of temptation, of seduction ; in a world 
where crimes often triumph, and virtue is scourged with scor- 
pions, — in such a world, certainly, the hope of an hereafter is 
necessaiy to cheer and to animate. Leave us, then, the con- 
solations of rchgion. Leave to man, to frail and feehle man, 
the comfort of knowing, that, when he gratihes his immortal 
soul with deeds of justice, of kindness, and of mere}', he is 
rescuing his happiness from final dissolution and laying it up in 
Heaven. " 

[Our dut}' as citizens is not a solitary one. It is connected 
with all the duties that belong to us as men. The civil, the 
social, the Christian virtues are requisite to render us worthy 
the continuation of that fl'overnment which is the freest on 
earth. Yes, though the world should hear me, though 1 could 
fancy myself standing in the congregation of all nations, I 
would say : Americans, you are the most privileged people 
that the sun shines on. The salutary influences of your climate 
are inferior to the salutary influences of your laws. Your soil, 
rich to a proverl). is less rich than your Constitution. Your 
rivers, large as the oceans of the old world, are less copious 
than the streams of social happiness which flow around you. 
Your air is not i)urer than your civil li])erty, and your hills, 
though high as heaven and deep as the foundations of the earth, 
are less exalted and less firmly founded than that benign and 
everlasting religion which blesses you and shall bless your off- 
spring. Amidst these profuse blessings of nature and of 
Providence, beware ! Standing in this place, sacred to truth, 
I dare not undertake to assure you that your liberties and your 
happiness may not be lost. Men are subject to men's misfor- 
tunes. If an angel should be w^inged from Heaven, on an 
errand of mercy to our country, the first accents that would 
glow on his lips would be, Beware ! be cautious ! you have 



14 

everything to lose; joii have nolhiiig to gain. AVc live under 
the only government tluit ever existed Avhich was framed by 
the unrestrained and deliberate eonsultatioiis of tlie ix-ople. 
Miraeles do not cluster. That Avliieh has happened but once in 
six thousand years cannot be expected to happen often. Such 
a government, once gone, might leave a void, to be fdled, for 
ages, vriih revolution and tumult, riot and despotism. The 
history of the world is before us. It rises like an immense 
column, on which Ave may see inscribed the soundest maxims 
of political experience. These maxims should be treasured in 
our memories and written on our hearts. Man, in all countries, 
resembles man. Wherever you find him, j^ou find human 
nature in him and hamnn frailties about him. He is, therefore, 
a proper pupil for the school of experience. He should draw 
wisdom from the example of others, — encouragement from 
their success, caution from their misfortunes. Nations should 
diligently keep their eye on the nations that have gone before 
them. They should mark and avoid their errors, not travel on 
heedlessly in the path of danger and of death while the bones 
of their perished predecessors whiten around them. Our own 
times aftbrd us lessons that admonish us both of our duty and 
our danger. We have seen mighty nations, miserable in their 
chains, more miserable when they attempted to shake them off. 
Tortured and distracted beneath the lash of servitude, we have 
seen them rise up in indignation to assert the rights of human 
nature; but, deceived by hypocrites, cajoled by demagogues,, 
ruined by false patriots, overpoAvered by a resistless mixed 
multitude of knaves and fools, we have wept at the Avretched 
end of all their labors. Tossed for ten years in the crazy 
dreams of revolutionary liberty, we have seen them at last 
awake, and, like the slave who slumbers on his oar and dreams 
of the happiness of his own blessed home, they aAvake to^find 



15 

themselves still in boiidnge. Let it not be thought that we 
advert to other nations to tiiiiniph in their sufferings or mock at 
their calamities. Would to God the whole earth enjoyed pure 
and rational lil)erty, that every realm that the human eye sur- 
veys or the human foot treads, were free I AVherever men 
soberly and prudently engage in the pursuit of this object, our 
prayers in their behalf shall ascend unto the Heavens and unto 
the ear of Ilim who filleth them. Be they powerful or be 
they weak, in such a cause they deserve success. Yes, "The 
poorest l)eiMg that crawls on earth, contending to save itself 
from injustice and oppression, is an object respectable in the 
eyes of God and man."] Our purpose is only to draw lessons 
of pi-udcnce from the imprudence of others, to argue the neces- 
sity of virtue from the consequences of their vices. 

Unhappy Europe ! the judgment of God rests hard upon 
thee. Thy sufferings would deserve an angel's pit}', if an 
angel's tears could wash away thy crimes ! The Eastern Con- 
tinent seems trembling on the brink of some great catastrophe. 
Convulsions shake and terrors alai-m it. Ancient systems are 
falling; works reared by ages are crumbling into atoms. Let 
us humbly implore Heaven that the wide-spreading desolation 
may never reach the shores of our native land, but let us de- 
voutly make up our minds to do our duty in events that may 
happen to us. Let us cherish genuine patriotism. In that, 
there is a sort of inspiration that gives strength and enerijy 
almost more than human. When the mind is attached to a 
great object, it grows to the magnitude of its undertaking. A 
true patriot, with his e3-e and his heart on the honor and happi- 
ness of his country, hath an elevation of soul that lifts him 
above the rank of ordinary men. To common occurrences he 
is indifferent. Personal considerations dwindle into nothing, in 
comparison with his high sense of public duty. In all the 



16 

vicissitudes of f'ortuiio, lie leans with pleasure on the protection 
of ProvidciK-e and on the dignit}' and composure of his own 
mind. While his country enjoys peace, he rejoices and is 
thankful ; and, if it be in the counsel of Heaven to send the 
storm and the tempest, his bosom proudly swells against the 
rage that assaults it. Above fear, above danger, he feels that 
the last end ivhich can happen to any man never comes too soon, 
if he falls in defence of the laics and liberties of his country. 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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